The author presents a new approach to the assessment of the bipolar world order, illuminating from the point of view of political science how the bipolar model determined domestic political structures in various parts of the world. Neoconservativism, the breakthrough of which marked the end of state socialism, is reconsidered from the point of view of technological and social progress. The conclusions concern the changing relationship between the monopolar world order and the mode of production, as well as the periodisation of 20th century history.

Some theses on how we can understand the strengthening of the so-called successor parties in our region. It seems the accendence of the "left" to government positions can give room to very limited hopes only.

Although the state socialist system did not give room for a labour market, there was indeed a reserve army, which was activated or passivised in various periods of economic policy. In this policy the employment of women was given a peculiar role, and the related labour policy was strongly interlinked with social policy and other policy areas.

The author is confronting the opinions claiming that the changes in social structures of the recent years and decades lead to the end of social democracy. Quoting a number of documents and politicians, he illustrates how individual parties and their leaders answered the new challenges in Western Europe, and to what extent the various programmes insist upon the traditions and historic achievements of the century old movement.

Conventional explanations of the sources of South Korean development by the World Bank and others are deeply flawed. Korea's export-led growth is not a result of free markets and free trade. Rather, both government intervention and discrimination against women have played roles. South Korea's experience leaves in question whether export-oriented growth can contribute to gender equality.