According to the author, the new political system with neo-Horthyist features – after establishing its new constitution and surviving its first crisis during the winter of 2011/2012 – will be consolidated and will likely to stay, contrary to the hopes of its neoliberal critics. Of course corrections will be made to it, mostly as reactions to international pressure but the political system can only be replaced by the majority of voters. This cannot come before the new regime fails permanently in all segments of social life.

The American state cannot tolerate any political alternative even if it emerges on the symbolic field. However, street events were retaliated almost similarly what we had seen concerning the Arab Spring. The hysteria against rising alternatives and the brutal state repression probably have shaken the image of "the freest country" thus Occupy maybe started something. It is hard to tell what might develop from it but something has actually changed.

Composers and musicians – who are also hierarchical leaders on their own way, since the concert hall follows the model of Darwinian competition – are at the mercy of the political and business elite. Bankers, politicians and businessman finance culture not exactly benevolent and free from their own interests. So, although composers did appear in the Occupy movement and their anti-capitalistic commitment cannot be questioned but their performance and role still contradictory.

Retrial – with thorough economic analysis. The author is searching the fundament of socialism in radically rejecting relations of production based on wage labour and competitive market relations. From this point of view, any idea on market socialism can only be a dead end, contrary to democratic planning established by the political economy of the labour class. In addition to meeting basic needs, this should also provide healthy environment and promote "the absolute unfolding of man's creative abilities" -"an end-in-itself".

In the Korean War, the US Air Force dropped more bombs on the area of the DPRK than it did in the entire Pacific theatre of World War II. The loss of North Koreans in lives was close to the proportion of Soviet citizens killed in World War II. In the reconstruction followed the war, the DPRK produced incomparable economic growth reaching annual 39% between 1953 and 1960. This was the result of the sacrifice of North Koreans as well as of the generous economic and technological help provided by "friendly" socialist countries – the Soviet Union, China and the GDR.